The Linguistic And Interpreting Needs Of Security Forces In Gran Canaria: A Preliminary Study
| Autor | Heather Adams - Paula Alonso Rodríguez |
| Cargo | Universidad de las Palmas de Gran Canaria - Universidad de las Palmas de Gran Canaria |
| Páginas | 45-61 |
THE LINGUISTIC AND INTERPRETING NEEDS OF SECURITY FORCES IN GRAN
CANARIA: A PRELIMINARY STUDY
Heather Adams*, Paula Alonso Rodríguez**
Abstract
This article investigates the interpreting needs of Spanish security personnel, their perceptions of their interactions
with non-Spanish speakers, and considerations regarding the role of interpreters in their work for the various security
forces in Spain. The contextual framework summarises the responsibilities of the Spanish security forces, examines the
area of law enforcement as a public service sector in which interpreting is required, and explores legal issues in this
eld. An indication of the number of potential users of interpreting services in the security forces in the specic region
studied (the Canary Islands) is followed by a description of the methodology used. We then present the results of our
study, which was conducted by means of a questionnaire, drawn up and administered by the authors, on how members
of the Civil Guard and the Spanish National and local police forces perceive their language and interpreting needs, as
well as their experiences in these elds. As part of this preliminary study, survey respondents were encouraged to share
difculties they had encountered in relation to language mediation, thereby enabling the authors to present an overview
of the interlinguistic and intercultural communication difculties that need to be overcome in these services, as well as
service professionals’ impressions of the reality of working with interpreters.
Keywords: public service interpreting; community interpreting; legal interpreting; interpreting for law enforcement
agents; interpreting for public security forces; communication difculties; perception studies; survey.
LES NECESSITATS LINGÜÍSTIQUES I D’INTERPRETACIÓ DE LES FORCES DE
SEGURETAT DE GRAN CANÀRIA: UN ESTUDI PRELIMINAR
Resum
Aquest article investiga les necessitats d’interpretació del personal de seguretat espanyol, les percepcions que tenen
de les seves interaccions amb persones que no parlen espanyol, i les consideracions sobre el paper dels intèrprets
que treballen per a les diverses forces de seguretat a Espanya. El marc contextual resumeix les responsabilitats de les
forces de seguretat espanyoles, examina l’àmbit d’aplicació de les lleis com un sector dels serveis públics en el qual la
interpretació és necessària, i explora els aspectes legals en aquest terreny. Es dona una indicació del nombre d’usuaris
potencials dels serveis d’interpretació a les forces de seguretat de la regió especíca estudiada (les illes Canàries) i,
tot seguit, una descripció de la metodologia que s’ha fet servir. Després presentem els resultats de l’estudi, que es va
dur a terme mitjançant un qüestionari, elaborat i administrat per les autores, sobre com membres de la Guàrdia Civil
i la Policia Nacional i Local espanyola perceben les seves necessitats lingüístiques i d’interpretació, i també les seves
experiències en aquest terreny. Dins d’aquest estudi preliminar, es va animar les persones enquestades a compartir les
dicultats amb què s’havien trobat en relació amb la mediació lingüística, cosa que permet a les autores presentar una
visió general de les dicultats de comunicació interlingüística i intercultural que caldria resoldre en aquests serveis, i
també les impressions dels professionals del servei sobre la realitat de treballar amb intèrprets.
Paraules clau: interpretació als serveis públics; interpretació comunitària; interpretació legal; interpretar per a agents
del servei de seguretat; interpretar per a les forces de seguretat públiques; dicultats de comunicació; estudis de
percepció; enquesta.
* Heather Adams, Universidad de las Palmas de Gran Canaria, holds a PhD in Translation and Interpreting and is a practising
interpreter. heather.adams@ulpgc.es
** Paula Alonso Rodríguez, Universidad de las Palmas de Gran Canaria, holds an undergraduate degree in Translation and Interpreting
from ULPGC and currently works as an English teacher. alonsorodriguezpaula@gmail.com
Article received: 08.03.2019. Blind reviews: 22.03.2019 and 25.03.2019. Final version accepted: 02.04.2019.
Recommended citation: Adams, Heather, & Alonso Rodríguez, Paula. (2019). The linguistic and interpreting needs of security
forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study. Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, 71, 45-61. https://doi.
org/10.2436rld.i71.2019.3299
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 46
Summary
1 Introduction
2 Responsibilities of the Spanish security forces
3 Law enforcement as a public service in need of interpretation services
4 Interpreting in the security forces: Legal issues
5 Potential extent of services needed
6 Methodology
7 Results
8 Discussion
9 Conclusions
Reference list
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 47
1 Introduction
Threats to public security are now global in nature and there is an increasing need for security forces to
ensure that their messages reach increasingly diverse populations of citizens as well as non-local populations.
Security forces need to understand these populations as urgently as they need to be understood by them. The
term security forces is used in different legal jurisdictions, both domestic and international, to cover a variety
of forces. In the context of this paper, the term is understood as the agencies controlling a “state’s virtual
monopoly on the legitimate use of violence and intrusion” (Sammonds, 2010: 213), that is to say, police,
military and intelligence units. In contemporary democratic societies, these agencies’ mandates include the
provision of internal security and stability against predatory groups (Herbst, 2016). Apart from basic language
training, which varies from force to force, their communication policy has only recently started to include
the services of translators and interpreters. Input from professionals working in security forces regarding the
frequency with which specic types of interlinguistic communication is required and the specic nature of
those types of communication has been underexplored, both by their own agencies and in the Translation and
Interpreting Studies eld, which needs to become aware of translation and interpreting needs on the ground
in order to guide both empirical research and training efforts.
This paper will shed some light on the issue by approaching agents who require interlinguistic and intercultural
communication in their daily work. More specically, our study examines these questions within the Civil
Guard, the Spanish National Police Corps, and the Canary Islands’ local police forces, in all three cases on
the island of Gran Canaria.
2 Responsibilities of the Spanish security forces
Under Article 104 of the 1978 Constitution (Constitución Española, 1978), the Spanish security forces are
charged with safeguarding the free exercise of rights and freedoms and guaranteeing the security of citizens.
We would clarify that the three security forces surveyed in this study are separate entities under Spanish
law, each with clearly dened responsibilities, as laid down in the Spanish Security Forces Act 2/1986 (Ley
Orgánica 2/1986, de 13 de marzo, de Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad, 1986). The jurisdiction of both the Civil
Guard and the National Police Corps is national, and selection processes are conducted on a national basis.
Local police forces are municipal and therefore dependent on their local council. The functions of each corps
are outlined under the Security Forces Act, but no specic mention is made of any need for either languages or
translation and interpreting. These functions are broadly summarised in the following paragraphs.
Article 11 of Spanish Act 2/1986 (Ley Orgánica 2/1986, de 13 de marzo, de Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad)
species that the National Police Corps is charged with the functions presented in Table 1 below, in all the
provincial capitals as well as in municipal boroughs and towns designated by the national government, while
the Civil Guard will perform them out throughout the rest of Spain.
1. Helping and protecting members of the public and ensuring the conservation and protection of property
or goods endangered for any reason.
2. Surveillance and protection of public buildings and facilities as required.
3. Ensuring the protection and security of dignitaries.
4. Where necessary, maintaining and restoring order and citizen safety.
5. Crime prevention.
6. Investigating crimes to identify and arrest any alleged perpetrators, safeguarding instruments, effects and
evidence related to the offence, bringing them before the relevant judge or court, and drawing up any
necessary technical and expert reports.
7. Gathering, receiving and analysing any data of interest for order and public security.
8. Studying, planning and executing crime prevention methods and techniques.
9. Collaborating with Civil Protection services in cases of serious risk, catastrophe or public disaster,
pursuant to the terms stipulated in Civil Protection legislation.
Table 1. Functions assigned to the National Police Corps or the Civil Guard, depending on geographic location (under
Spanish Act 2/1986).
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 48
Article 12 of Spanish Act 2/1986 goes on to establish additional functions for the Civil Guard and the National
Police Corps. The Civil Guard is charged with the control of weapons and explosives; the scal security of the
state; interurban trafc, except where jurisdiction has been devolved to the regional authorities; custody of
communication routes, ports and airports; environmental protection; and the transferral of detainees between
towns and cities. The same article of this Act assigns the National Police Corps the additional responsibility
of ensuring compliance with legislation and other general provisions; immigration, including the control of
Spanish nationals and foreign nationals entering or exiting Spain, and all functions relating to immigration,
refuge and asylum, extradition, expulsion, emigration and immigration; investigation and persecution of drug-
related crime; collaborating with and assisting police forces from other countries, pursuant to international
treaties or agreements on laws, under the supervision of the Spanish Ministry of the Interior; the issuing of
national ID documents and passports; monitoring gaming activities and inspecting compliance with gaming
law; private security; and any other functions ascribed by the law in force.
The responsibilities of the local police forces are laid down in Article 38 of Spanish Act 2/1986 and constitute
the functions shown in Table 2 below.
1. Directing trafc in urban areas.
2. Taking ofcial statements from witnesses and parties involved in trafc accidents in urban areas.
3. Acting as administrative police in relation to municipal provisions.
4. Participating in the functions of the judicial police, within their municipality.
5. Rendering assistance in case of accidents, catastrophes or public disasters in accordance with the law,
as provided under Civil Protection plans.
6. Conducting prevention inquiries and any other actions that could help to prevent crime.
7. Policing public spaces and collaborating with national and regional security forces (in those regions
that have them) in case of demonstrations, and maintaining order when large groups of people
congregate.
8. Helping to solve private conicts when required to do so.
Table 2. Functions of the local police forces in Spain (under Spanish Act 2/1986, Article 38).
From this brief overview, we would point to the following areas as those most likely to involve some form
of communication with foreigners and therefore require interlinguistic mediation, either by the ofcers
themselves or by third parties:
- Immigration: National Police Corps and Civil Guard (ports and airports);
- Collaborating with and helping police forces from other countries: National Police Corps.
However, any interaction between a member of the security forces and a non-Spanish-speaking member of
the public may require this type of mediation, which is equally the case whether the member of public in
question approaches a member of the security forces in search of information, whether they are a witness, a
suspect or perpetrator of a crime, or a detainee.
3 Law enforcement as a public service in need of interpretation services
In recent years, much has been written about public service interpreting (see, among many others, Roberts, 1995;
Mikkelson, 1996; Gentile, 1997; Hale, 2007; Valero Garcés & Martin, 2008; Pöchhacker, 2010; Wadensjö,
2013; Arumí Ribas & Vargas-Urpi, 2017). However, a much smaller body of literature focuses specically on
law enforcement agencies, and particularly on the needs on the ground within these agencies. In this respect,
we could cite Krouglov’s article (1999) on police interpreting in the context of linguistic discourse analysis
and his ndings regarding interpreters making pragmatic decisions while interpreting, as well as omissions,
modications of colloquialisms or obscene terminology used by interviewees, among other changes to modes
of expression and levels of politeness. Further work on language service provision by non-professional
interpreters in appellate cases in California, Florida and New York was carried out by Berk-Seligson (2000),
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 49
who highlighted the dangers of these practices in terms of detainees’ rights. Takeda (2009), meanwhile, in
the context of operations during the Pacic War and the occupation of Japan, studied questions such as trust,
ethics of control, and identity among military interpreters required to use their language skills against either
their own country or people whose cultural heritage is the same as their own. Martin and Taibi’s article (2010)
explores opportunities for the manipulation of translations and interpretations arising from lax recruitment
regulations for law enforcement agencies on the hiring of language service providers, while Nakane’s work
(2011) examines how interpreters react to and render silences in police interviews, and the consequences
for both police ofcers and suspects. Mulayim, Lai, & Norma’s book (2015) provides a broad view of the
factors to be taken into consideration when interpreting in police interviews, from the interpreter’s perspective,
and Monteoliva García’s research (2017) looks at the practice and consequences of the intermittent use of
interpreting in Scottish police interviews, where interpreters employed on a standby basis are called on by the
authorities, at the authorities’ discretion, to interpret only certain parts of the communication process, given
that the interviewee has some degree of knowledge but not full prociency in the ofcial language used by
the institution. Lee’s study (2017) examines some of the consequences of using non-professional interpreters
who lack specic interpreting competence and impartiality in police witness interviews, while Filipovič &
Hijazo-Gascón (2018) explore meaning in interpreted police interviews through analysis of real transcripts
from California (USA) and Norfolk (UK). Their ndings focus on differences in semantic components of
motion, and how these differences can lead interpreters to add, omit or modify elements of the message when
interpreting; they suggest a number of strategies to improve the quality of interpreting practices in these settings.
Finally, Määttä (2018) studied Finnish-French telephone interpreting, in the context of a police interview with
a suspect, within a framework based on critical discourse analysis, identifying the constraints and choices that
come into play in terms of language use in a particular situation. The focus on police interviews and other face-
to-face situations requiring dialogue or liaison interpreting reects the needs of those forces as perceived by TIS
academics. While all these studies have enriched our knowledge of important facets of the reality of interpreting
in law enforcement settings, scant attention has been paid to the perceptions of security forces’ personnel in
these situations, and it is in this area that we feel our study can make a small but signicant contribution.
Dialogue interpreting1 entails the interpreter working in and out of the two languages in question and requires
an interpreter who is procient at interpreting in both directions. This ability to work “both ways” has been
explored in less detail in other modes of interpreting such as conference interpreting, given the dictates
of major international organisations such as the European Union bodies and the United Nations, which
require their staff interpreters and trusted freelancers to render into their mother tongue (their A or rst
language) what has been produced in another (usually their B or second language, or their C, their third and
successive languages). Bilateral conference interpreting on the private market remains a much less-studied
mode, despite the number of professional interpreters working largely as freelancers, and often offering
bilateral services (Bovy & Adams, forthcoming). However, dialogue interpreting is certainly dominant in
Public Service Interpreting (Hale, 2007: 25).
Public Service Interpreting is only gradually becoming a profession per se, (see Mikkelson, (2013), as roles
and expectations are only weakly dened and are highly contested. In this sense, the literature points to
possible differences in the expectations of the parties involved in relation to the specic role of the interpreter
(Wadensjö, 1998; Collados Aís, 2010). The rst author states that, while liaison interpreters working in
business meetings will often be expected to be on their client’s side during negotiations, the situation in
Public Service Interpreting is very different. Here both parties expect the interpreter to be on their side
(Wadensjö, 1998: 50):
“Ofcials may count on the interpreter’s loyalty, since the interpreter’s salary is paid, as a rule, by the
public organization. At the same time, the lay person may expect the interpreter to side with them. After all,
language services fall under the individual lay person’s public rights.”
This conict between monetary and justice-based delities has been widely addressed by academics and
professionals in codes of practice (Ozolins, 2014). Notwithstanding, public service interpreting is still
frequently practised on a voluntary basis, with obvious implications for security services. In Spain, where
1 Dialogue interpreting may be referred to by a variety of terms, including liaison, bilateral, escort or accompanying interpreting (see
Jiménez Ivars, 2002; Hale, 2007: 28).
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 50
a number of contexts rely on interpreting on an informal (voluntary and ad hoc) basis, it is interesting
to note that the Directorate General of the Spanish National Police Corps not only issues calls for tender
for translation and interpreting services, which we can take as an indication of its recognition of the need
for these services, but these calls are accompanied by technical specications that go into considerable
detail regarding remuneration rates. Although not the central focus of our study, it is worth noting that the
maximum hourly rate set in the 2018 call was 35.00 Euros (net of tax) (Cuadro de características del pliego
de cláusulas administrativas particulares, 2018), down from 44 Euros (net of tax) in the 2013 call (Pliego
de prescripciones técnicas para la contratación del servicio de intérpretes en el marco de actuaciones del
cuerpo nacional de policía (expte. 002/13/CO/05/ lote 1), 2013), a drop of 20%.
Apart from the stipulation of maximum rates for interpreting, the 2018 tender also species maximum
remuneration levels for waiting periods, telephone interpreting, and interpreting using videoconferencing
or other similar systems, at any time on any day. Regardless of whether or not these rates are considered
reasonable, the fact that these different modes of interpreting, as well as waiting times, are all broken down
and priced separately, demonstrates that the National Police Corps, as an institution, is aware of some of
the practicalities involved in working with interpreters. In a similar vein, the 2018 tender species that
interpreting both into Spanish from the foreign language and from Spanish into the foreign language is
required, i.e. the interpreter must be fully bilateral. From this initial recognition of the range of services
rendered, there is ample scope for translation and interpreting studies (TIS) to work hand in hand with policy
makers to engender shared knowledge that can ensure best practices.
4 Interpreting in the security forces: Legal issues
Another reason why interpreting conditions have been established within security forces is that there is a legal
framework, at international, European and Spanish levels, governing the established right to interpreting for
non-Spanish speakers, which varies depending on whether they are detainees, residents or visitors. The
following paragraphs will offer a brief overview of the main obligations of States to provide interpreting
services as a safeguard for citizens’ rights.
At international level, all EU Member States, including Spain, are signatories to the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights of 1948 (UNGA, 1948). Articles 8 and 10 establish every person’s right to an effective
remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts in violation of [their] fundamental rights, and to a fair and
public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, in the determination of [their] rights and obligations
and of any criminal charge against them in full equality (which implies the right to fully understand and be
understood, regardless of any language barrier). Similarly, Article 14.3 of the UN International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights (UNGA, 1966), in force since 1976, specically mentions the following rights of
any person charged with a criminal offence:
“ (a) To be informed promptly and in detail in a language which he understands of the nature and cause of
the charge against him; […] ; (b) To have adequate time and facilities for the preparation of his defence and
to communicate with counsel of his own choosing; […]; (f) To have the free assistance of an interpreter if he
cannot understand or speak the language used in court.”
Similarly, Article 6 of the European Human Rights Convention (Council of Europe, 1950) reiterates the right
of a defendant to be informed in a language that he or she understands and have free access to the services
of an interpreter.
A key piece of European legislation in guaranteeing interpreting services to any person facing criminal law
charges is Article 2 of EU Directive 2010/64, which requires Member States to establish whether suspected
or accused persons require the services of an interpreter in order to understand the language of the court, to
supply defendants with interpretation, not only during trial proceedings, but also during police questioning
and any other interim hearings deemed necessary; interpreting services must also be made available to
facilitate communication between suspects or accused persons and their legal counsel. These provisions also
cover proceedings for the execution of a European arrest warrant. The Directive specically stipulates that
any interpretation provided shall be of sufciently good quality to safeguard the fairness of the proceedings.
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 51
Two major instruments of Spanish legislation which refer specically to the need for interpreting are the
Criminal Procedures Act of 1882, as amended by Spanish Act 5/2015 in order to implement the above-
mentioned EU Directive; and the Spanish Immigration Act 4/2000 (Ley Orgánica 4/2000, de 11 de enero,
sobre Derechos y Libertades de los Extranjeros en España y su Integración Social, 2000). The current
Spanish Criminal Procedures Act, in establishing the procedures to be followed in criminal cases, lays down
the basis for guaranteeing the right to translation and interpreting in criminal trials, thereby including the
provisions of EU Directive 2010/64 in the national legal framework. These provisions include the stipulation
that, when any person is arrested, they must immediately be informed of their rights and the reason for their
arrest, in a manner they understand. Although no explicit mention is made of interpreting services, if the
security forces ofcer and the detainee are unable to communicate due to a language barrier, an interpreter
may be needed in order to guarantee the detainee’s constitutional rights (Article 17.3). Article 24.1 of the
same instrument stipulates that every person’s right to exercise their legitimate rights and interests will be
effectively protected by the judges and courts, and that no person may be left in a state of defencelessness.
Where no common language exists between a person and a judge or court, interpreter services will be required
to ensure the protection of this right. More specically, Article 123.1 lays down the rights of defendants who
do not speak or understand Spanish or the ofcial language in which the case is being conducted, such as the
right to assistance from an interpreter in the defendant’s own language whenever their presence is required,
including during questioning by the police or the Public Prosecutor’s ofce, at all court hearings as well as
in consultations with their defence counsel, and the right to interpretation at all stages of the hearing. Article
520 of the same act deals with the right to defence, to assistance from a defence lawyer, and the treatment
of detainees and prisoners. These rights include the right to free assistance from an interpreter for people
who do not understand or speak Spanish or the ofcial language in question, or for the deaf or hard of
hearing, as well as other people with language-based difculties. This is of particular interest as it applies
to the treatment of detainees are treated, that is, how members of the security forces we have targeted in our
study deal with detainees, during police questioning, for example, and not only in relation to their right to an
interpreter during a trial.
Article 22.2 of the Spanish Immigration Act 4/2000, of 11 January (Ley Orgánica 4/2000, de 11 de enero,
sobre Derechos y Libertades de los Extranjeros en España y su Integración Social), on the rights and freedoms
of non-Spanish speakers in Spain and their integration in society, and its amended 2011 version, specically
stipulates the right to an interpreter where a person does not understand or speak the ofcial language being
used for any immigration procedures regarding their right to stay in the country. It also species that any
interpreting services in this regard will be free of charge if the person in question is unable to pay for it
themselves. Likewise, Article 26.2 provides for the right to an interpreter for would-be immigrants to Spain
who do not full the necessary requirements. This right is effective, according to the article mentioned, from
the moment entry is denied at the border control. As part of the protection afforded to victims of gender-
based violence, Article 31 of the act provides for the right to temporary residence and work for foreign
victims, regardless of their administrative situation. Although no explicit reference is made to translation or
interpreting services, the fact that these provisions are aimed specically at female foreign nationals suggests
that language mediation services will be required where the victim is a non-Spanish speaker. However, in
contrast to other articles of the same act, and the above-mentioned articles of the Criminal Procedure Act, no
details of the exact conditions under which such services will be contemplated are provided.
5 Potential extent of services needed
In this section, we will offer data to quantify the number of non-Spanish-speaking people who either live in
Spain and the Canary Islands, or visit them as tourists.
According to gures provided by the Spanish National Statistics Institute for 2018 (INE, 2018a), a total of
4,719,418 foreign nationals were registered as residents in Spain. From this total we can subtract foreign
nationals from countries in Central and South America and the Caribbean, where Spanish is the ofcial
language (even if a section of the population speaks an indigenous language and no Spanish). Based on
Spanish-speaking countries only, the INE gures for Central America and the Caribbean on the one hand, and
South America on the other, give a total of nearly 1,040,000 residents (250,993 and 788,988, respectively). If
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 52
we subtract these foreign residents, who may well speak Spanish, from the total number of foreign residents,
we are left with a potential number of some 3,680,000 non-Spanish-speaking foreign residents living in Spain.
In the Canary Islands, the same data source gives us a total foreign population of 259,791 residents, 14,414 of
which come from Spanish-speaking countries in Central America and the Caribbean, and some 40,430 from
Spanish-speaking countries in South America, leaving an ofcial non-Spanish-speaking population of nearly
205,000 residents who will face language-based problems whenever they need to interact with the security
forces in their place of residence.
The number of (non-resident) foreign visitors, in the form of tourists, is also relevant. The INE tourism
gures for 2018 (INE, 2018b) reect a total number of 82,773,156 foreign tourists for the country as a whole.
If we break this down by region, the Canary Islands received 13,751,914 tourists in 2018. So, in addition to
the 205,000 permanent residents who may need language mediation to interact with public service providers,
including the security forces, the region also receives over 13.7 million tourists per year, many of whom will
not be sufciently procient in Spanish to interact with local security forces. This gives us an initial idea of
the potential demand for interpreters in this region.
6 Methodology
Against this background, we saw the need to take a rst step in studying the interpreting needs of interlinguistic
and intercultural communication between law enforcement agents and our current post-monolingual
societies (see Monzó Nebot, 2018). Given the complexity of the issue, we focused on studying attitudes and
perceptions of law enforcement professionals by conducting a survey which targeted the Spanish National
Police, the local police and the Civil Guard.
Having previously identied ofcers from each of the forces willing to participate in the study, our results are
based on a sample of 30 respondents, comprising 10 from each of the three forces in question. The survey was
carried out in the rst quarter of 2017, with all participants responding to the same 16-question questionnaire.
Ten of the questions were closed-ended, permitting only yes/no answers (two of which included an option to
specify where the answer was in the afrmative), and six were multiple-choice (see Appendix 1). We selected
these more rigid question types in order to facilitate the quantication of the answers received, given the
preliminary nature of the study in this particular geographic area, enabling us to form an initial view of how
professionals employed by these forces in Spain, and specically in the Canary Islands, deal with situations
in which linguistic barriers come into play. Questions 1-5 referred to the participants’ interactions, within
their working roles, with non-Spanish-speaking people; questions 6-10 referred to the need for interpreters;
and questions 11-15 referred to considerations in relation to interpreters.
7 Results
The responses to the rst group of questions revealed that all the respondents (100%) had, at some point,
dealt with a non-Spanish-speaking user of their particular public service. Seventy percent of our respondents
reported dealing with these situations by speaking to the person in their own language, usually English.
Only one respondent from the Civil Guard reported using an interpreter in these cases, while not one agent
from either the National or local forces reported having done so. The remaining responses reected attempts
to remedy the situation by means of gestures and speaking in Spanish. All the respondents conrmed that
command of English was not an entry requirement for joining their force.
Table 3 shows the frequency with which participants reported needing to communicate with non-Spanish
speakers as part of their work.
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 53
Civil Guard National Police Local Police
Never 0 0 0
Annually 0 0 0
Monthly 10% 30% 70%
Weekly 20% 70% 30%
Daily 70% 0% 0%
Table 3. Frequency with which law enforcement agents interact with non-Spanish speakers.
As we can observe, no cases of never needing to communicate with a non-Spanish speaker were recorded,
underscoring the magnitude of this phenomenon. While the majority of respondents (70%) from the Civil
Guard reported having to communicate with a non-Spanish speaker every day, the same proportion from the
National Police reported doing so on a weekly basis, while the local police forces reported doing so on a
monthly basis. These results highlight just how often command of a foreign language or mediation between
languages is needed by these professionals. No members of any of the forces mentioned any dealings with
anyone from outside the European Union, either in the category of tourists or residents.
Almost all the respondents, bar 10% of those belonging to the local police force, were aware that they could
call on an interpreter’s services if necessary, which demonstrates that, if they do not request such services, it
is not because they are unaware of the possibility of doing so.
The majority (100% of Civil Guard, 80% of National Police and a more discreet 30% of local police ofcers)
cited the arrest of non-Spanish speakers as the situation in which interpreters were most needed, while both
the National and local forces mentioned the ling of complaints or reporting of incidents or crimes by non-
Spanish speakers. Just 5% of Civil Guard, 40% of local police and none of the National Police respondents
named telephone tapping. The moment of arrest and subsequent procedures are thus deemed of maximum
importance, particularly to ensure that non-Spanish speakers understand the full extent of their rights at this
time. The fact that telephone tapping, which is part of the National Force’s remit, was not mentioned by any
members of that or either of the other two forces, may be a consequence of the small sample group; further
research would be required to support this possibility.
Table 4 shows the percentages of respondents from each security force who identied the need for language
services or prociency by language.
EN DE IT FR RUS ARA CHI Other
Civil Guard 100% 40% 0% 30% 0% 20% 0% 0%
National Police 100% 30% 0% 30% 0% 20% 20% 20%
Local police 100% 80% 20% 40% 0% 30% 20% 20%
Table 4. Languages required by security forces’ personnel in their dealings with non-Spanish speakers.
Thus, we can see that, across all three forces, English was clearly the language most often required, followed
by German and French. Demand for German was high among local police forces (80%) while the Civil Guard
(40%), and National Police (30%) resported a signicant, if lesser, need for this language, at similar levels to
those pertaining to French, where the local police reported a slightly higher level of demand than the other two
forces. A lesser demand was noted for Arabic, but was reported by all three forces, while Chinese was indicated
by only 20% of respondents from the National and local forces, and not at all by the Civil Guard. A varying
(but always less than 30%) requirement was observed for “other” (unspecied) languages across all forces.
In terms of any training or guidelines received regarding working with an interpreter, only 20% of the Civil
Guard respondents replied that they had received some input on this subject during their periodic training
programmes. The remaining 80%, along with 100% of the local and National Police force respondents,
reported that they had received no such training or guidelines.
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 54
The types of centre or institution in which our respondents felt that translators or interpreters are most useful
depended largely on the particular security force they belonged to, which is also coherent with the specic
duties of each corps. So, for example, the Civil Guard participants all answered that ports and airports are key
in this area, as we would expect, given that this force is responsible for these border areas. Local and national
forces pointed to large police stations, with local force participants also highlighting specic complaints
ofces as very important. Only the National Police Corps mentioned telephone tapping units, as bets the
force charged with this task; a smaller proportion of National Police ofcers also indicated the Internment
Centres for Illegal Immigrants (CIE, from the Spanish).
Our participants identied only training and availability as criteria to be taken into consideration when hiring
interpreters. The fact that they did not mention any others may be attributed to their not playing an active role
in recruitment or nance policies within their forces (i.e. cost issues would not affect them). It is interesting
to note that not one of them cited previous experience or referrals as a desirable criterion.
When asked whether the gender of interpreters working with victims of gender-based violence should be
taken into consideration, all but one of the respondents from the National and local forces replied in the
afrmative. All the members of the Civil Guard, however, believed that a male interpreter could be equally
effective in this situation.
In line with their lack of experience in working with interpreters, none of the respondents from any of the
three law enforcement agencies reported having any specic way to measure the skill or competence of the
interpreters working with them. It was therefore only to be expected that not one respondent would have
detected any incidence of an interpreter having failed to perform their functions correctly. Once again, lack
of command of the foreign language in question, coupled with a lack of guidelines on how to work with
interpreters, leave law enforcement agents in a position in which they are unable to judge the interpreter’s
level of competency.
All respondents indicated that they felt the interpreting profession does not enjoy sufcient professional
recognition and all our respondents were of the view that media coverage does not reect the true value of
interpreting for law enforcement.
8 Discussion
This study set out to explore the interpreting needs of Spanish security personnel in Gran Canaria and gain
an insight into their perceptions concerning their dealings and experience of interaction both with non-
Spanish speakers and interpreters in the course of their work, as well as their views regarding the perceived
professional status of interpreters working in their eld. Our ndings reect that all the respondents had to
deal with non-Spanish speakers at least once every month and, in the case of the Civil Guard, on a daily
basis. Seventy percent of Civil Guard respondents indicated that they communicated in English in these
circumstances, but since no foreign language prociency is stipulated as an entry requirement for public
security force professionals, we have no way of gauging their level of prociency. This almost systematic
need for interlinguistic communication sits at odds with the fact that no language requirement is stipulated
for entry into any of the three forces, an issue that merits attention by those in charge of setting entry
requirements. Only our respondents from the Civil Guard reported any efforts to improve their English,
albeit in their own time and at their own expense. This may be because they perceive the need to improve
their command of English in order to do their job, given their responsibilities at ports and airports and
the frequency with which they reported contact with non-Spanish speakers, though no such perception
was touched on in our questionnaire. The scenario in which law enforcement agents combine speaking
Spanish with gestures in an attempt to make themselves understood is perhaps not the best way to convey
a professional image, and may also constitute something that policy makers could address. Likewise, the
gap between the generalised knowledge that interpreters could be called for, and the testimonial practice of
doing so by only one respondent, is another area that merits attention. The level of demand for the different
languages specied obviously reects the languages spoken by the most numerous non-Spanish speakers
either living in or visiting the region, so our results in this regard cannot be extrapolated to other regions
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 55
or countries, though English is likely to feature prominently in many parts of the world, given its status as
lingua franca.
Most respondents agreed that interpreters are badly needed in the communication process when non-Spanish
speaking people are arrested, to ensure that the dialogue is understood and, crucially, that the arrestee fully
understands their rights. For this reason, it is of paramount importance that interpreters are based in police
stations, or can be called upon to attend police stations, as well as in ports and airports, as the places where
most of this type of communication and questioning of detainees takes place.
It is also worth noting that, of the three forces, only the Civil Guard received any guidelines on how to
work with translators and interpreters. Research is needed to examine the guidelines provided and compare
them with international best practices before recommending them for other police forces. Were this to be
conrmed on a larger scale in subsequent studies, this best practice could be extended to the other forces.
A similar generalised lack of understanding of any criteria other than training and availability (such as
experience and recommendations of interpreting competence and ethical standards, as bets interpreters
working in potentially delicate situations) as lters for screening potential interpreters aligns perfectly with
our respondents’ generalised lack of experience of working with interpreters and could lead to the adoption
of inappropriate hiring criteria.
Of particular interest is the difference in perception between respondents from the National and local police
forces, on the one hand, and the Civil Guard on the other, regarding the importance of using a female
interpreter when dealing with gender-based violence. International organisations recommend same-sex
interpreters for victims of gender-based violence, a recommendation reiterated by the authors for interpreting
in the judicial sector as one of the criteria to ensure that the victim feels comfortable with the people involved
in taking their statement. Their research also shows that specialised NGOs working in the eld of gender-
based violence reect a preference for same-sex interpreters in this case, although non-specialised NGOs
indicate no such preference (Borja Albi & Del Pozo Triviño, 2015). While the reduced size of our sample
does not permit us to draw any categorical conclusions, it may be the case that the increased sensitivity to the
sex of the interpreter in these cases shown by our respondents from local and National forces as compared to
the Civil Guard reects their experience in this area, which the Civil Guard, by virtue of its responsibilities,
is less likely to have to deal with. Further research is required to determine (a) if these results would hold
true over a larger sample group, and (b) if there is a root cause that leads professionals across the services to
hold opposite views.
Given their overall lack of experience of working with interpreters, it was only to be expected that our
respondents had no specic indicators with which to measure an interpreter ’s skill or competence. None of
the respondents from any of the three law enforcement agencies reported having any way to measure the skill
or competence of interpreters working with them. While not exactly surprising in itself, this reply gives pause
for thought and underscores the need for top-level training and expertise on the part of interpreters working
with the security forces, as it would seem that very little in-house quality control is available to ensure accurate
rendering of the foreign language utterances in question and professional conduct at all times. Likewise,
training for security forces members on how interpreters work, situation-specic aspects, expectations,
interpreting ethics and codes of conduct would also help to enhance interprofessional cooperation.
The unanimous position of our respondents in favour of enhanced professional recognition for interpreters
in general, and in the media in particular, would seem to indicate that language service providers and policy-
makers in this sector could count on the support of law enforcement ofcers as allies in their attempts to gain
broader recognition of their profession in general, and services rendered in particular.
Although the points of discussion mentioned here obviously refer to situations very similar to some of those
mentioned in the literature cited above, the fact that our ndings are based solely on the perceptions of
security forces personnel, as opposed to those of interpreters working with the security forces or analyses of
transcripts of interpreter-mediated exchanges, severely limits the extent to which we can draw parallels or
establish differences with previous work carried out. Studies of a similar nature in other places or on a larger
scale would give us more scope for comparison.
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 56
9 Conclusions
From the results obtained from this preliminary study, we can see that command of foreign languages is not
a prerequisite for candidates for any of the forces and it does not appear that interpreters are regularly called
upon, highlighting a lack of preparation for compliance with the current legislation in terms of the protection
of the rights of non-Spanish-speaking people in Spain, as provided in national, European and international
legislation. Likewise, insufcient provision is made for language training for security professionals who
identify a need to communicate in languages other than Spanish in the course of their daily activities. The
specic languages required will obviously vary depending on the inux and origin of foreign nationals into
a specic geographical area.
Despite a general awareness that they could call on the services of an interpreter if necessary, respondents
lacked knowledge of how interpreters work, factors that should be taken into consideration when recruiting
interpreters, and criteria to assess the quality of interpreters’ work. There would appear to be a gap here
between the need for and provision of a service, and it actually being used. Initiatives within the security
forces to encourage their agents to make more active use of interpreters, and to increase their awareness of
how interpreters work, could help to compensate.
The results obtained from this preliminary study should be taken as a starting point for further research
based on larger samples across the different security forces surveyed, as well as possibly the regional police
forces, where applicable. Given the reduced size of our sample, the results obtained can only be taken as
an indication of the possible need for and perceptions regarding interpreters working in this eld. Although
compliance with the legislation mentioned in terms of guaranteeing equal rights for non-Spanish speakers
in their dealings with the security forces would appear to require specic, specialised training, larger scale
research is required to quantify the demand and raise awareness of the skillset needed to ag up quality issues,
among security forces personnel working on the ground as well as policy makers in charge of recruitment.
Notwithstanding its limitations, the study represents a snapshot of the perspective of security force
professionals regarding the need for and perceptions of the provision of language services in general, and
interpreting in particular, in their day-to-day dealings with non-Spanish speakers, which could help to inform
future work by both TIS academics and policy makers. Further, scaled-up research is needed to enable our
ndings to be generalised, qualied or refuted, with a view to paving the way for policy decisions to enhance
the quality of the public legal services offered to non-Spanish speakers in Spain as required by current
legislation.
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 57
Appendix 1
Questionnaire
1. Have you ever dealt with a non-Spanish speaker? Yes/No
2. What do you do in these cases?
a) I speak to them in their own language
b) I use an interpreter
c) I get by using gestures but speaking in Spanish
3. Was English a formal entry requisite when you joined the force? Yes/No
4. How often do you nd yourself in the situation alluded to in questions 1 and 2?
a) Never b) Daily c) Weekly d) Monthly e) Annually
5. Are these users normally tourists or foreign residents in Gran Canaria/Spain?
a) Tourists from EU countries
b) Tourists from outside the EU
c) Residents from EU countries
d) Residents from outside the EU
e) I don’t know
6. Did you know that the security force you work for can request an interpreter whenever one is needed?
Yes/No
7. In which of the specic cases given below do you think interpreting services are most needed?
a) When a non-Spanish speaker is arrested
b) When a non-Spanish speaker reports an incident or crime
c) Telephone tapping
8. Which working languages are most in demand?
a) English b) German c) Italian d) French
e) Russian f) Arabic g) Chinese h) Others
9. How often do you need the services of an interpreter?
a) On a weekly basis b) On a monthly basis c) A few times a year
10. Have you received any type of training or guidelines you should follow when working with an
interpreter? Yes/No
11. Which centres/institutions do you think most need interpreters?
a) In all ofces where complaints are lodged/citizens report incidents or crimes
b) Ports and airports
c) Large police stations
d) Telephone tapping centres
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 58
12. Do you think any specic criteria should be followed when hiring interpreters?
a) Yes (if so, specify) b) No
13. Do you think the sex of the interpreter should be taken into consideration in gender-based violence-
related cases?
a) Yes, the interpreter should be a woman b) No
14. Do you have any indicators with which to measure the competence of an interpreter?
a) Yes (if so, please specify) b) No
15. Have you ever identied an interpreter who did not perform their duties correctly?
Yes/No
16. Do you think that interpreters enjoy sufcient professional recognition?
Yes/No
17. Do you think the media attribute sufcient value to this professional eld?
Yes/ No
Heather Adams, Paula Alonso Rodríguez
The linguistic and interpreting needs of security forces in Gran Canaria: a preliminary study
Revista de Llengua i Dret, Journal of Language and Law, núm. 71, 2019 59
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